Interactivity: A review of the concept and a framework for analysis

The terms `interactivity' and `interactive media' became significant buzz-words during the late 1980s and early 1990s when the multi-media euphoria fascinated politicians, economists, and researchers alike. However, right from the beginning of the scientific debate, the inconsistent usage of the term `interactivity' massively complicated the comparability of numerous empirical studies. This is where this article joins the discussion. First, the article sheds light on the terminological origins of `interactivity' and distinguishes the term from cognate expressions. Further, it restructures and extends existing findings on the basis of a new analysis framework which considers three levels of interactive communication (action level, level of subjective situation evaluation, and level of meaning exchange). Finally, it delivers a systematic overview of specific criteria of interactive communication

Methodische Aspekte der Akzeptanzforschung bei interaktiven Medientechnologien

Die Einführung interaktiver Medienprodukte bzw. -technologien ist für die Entwickler und Finanzierer von technischen Neuerungen immer mit einem Risiko behaftet. In den meisten Fällen ist nicht von vornherein klar, ob technische Innovationen von den potentiellen Käufern und Anwendern im beabsichtigen Ausmaß und in der beabsichtigten Weise angenommen werden. Neben eigener Marktforschung greifen immer mehr Unternehmen auf Kooperationsprojekte mit Universitäten zurück, um deren spezifisches Methodenwissen zu nutzen. Der vorliegende Beitrag unternimmt den Versuch, einen Überblick über methodische Ansätze zur Erforschung der Akzeptanz neuer Medientechnologien zu geben. Ziel ist es, Forschern an der Schnittstelle zwischen Universität und Medienindustrie einen Leitfaden an die Hand zu geben, aus dem methodische Zugänge für Begleitforschung auf verschiedenen Stufen der Produktentwicklung ersichtlich sind

The Limits of Social Media Mobilization: How Protest Movements Adapt to Social Media Logic

The emergence of social networking sites offers protest movements new ways to mobilize for action and draw attention to their issues. However, relying on social media also creates challenges, as social media follow their own principles. If protest movements want to be visible in news feeds, they have to adapt to so-called social media logic, as originally postulated in mediatization research. The principles of social media have been conceptualized. However, there is a lack of empirical research on how political actors perceive and orient to this logic, how they learn about it, and the consequences for mobilization (i.e., communicating protest issues as well as taking protest action). As protest movements are an integral part of modern democracies, use social media somewhat intensively, and usually build on a fluid network structure that allows us to examine adaptation processes in greater detail, they are particularly suitable for addressing these questions. Semi-structured interviews with activists organizing protest actions or managing social media accounts from 29 movement organizations in Germany (N = 33) revealed that protest movements have internalized social media logic and paid attention to not only the design but also the timing of posts to suit algorithms. The protest organizations generally built on their experience with social media. The degree to which they followed these principles was based on available resources. Limits of this adaptation arose, for example, if sensitive or negative content rarely produced likes or, increasingly, personalization evoked a presumed hierarchy within the movements

News Frames, Inter-Media Frame Transfer and The Financial Crisis

This paper examines the economic coverage of German newspapers at the onset of the financial crisis with the help of framing-theory. It has three basic objectives. The first, to identify the frames in the news coverage. The second: the documentation of these frames and their occurrence as well as their distribution in different media outlets. The third: the examination of inter-media influences, exerted by different media outlets upon each other. The authors introduce the concept of Inter-Media Frame Transfer and apply a multi-method-design composed of a qualitative and quantitative content analysis as well as an ARIMA-time-series analysis. Eight frames are identified. The representation of the crisis as a systemic threat can be seen as the dominant interpretation. Inter-media influences can explain some of the dynamics of media framing. Yet, media framing of the financial crisis appears to be mainly contingent on extra media influences

Verschwörungsglaube, Medienzynismus und Militanz: Einstellungen und Informationsquellen von Menschen mit AfD-Wahlpräferenz - ein Beitrag zur Radikalisierungsforschung

Der Beitrag untersucht medienbezogene Einstellungen und das Ausmaß des Verschwörungsglaubens von Menschen mit AfD-Wahlpräferenz. Er greift die Debatte über Kampfbegriffe wie "Lügenpresse" und "Systemmedien" auf und erweitert die Radikalisierungsforschung um einen kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Zugang. Dafür verwendet er das Konzept des "Medienzynismus". Es bezeichnet ein Einstellungsmuster mit verschwörungsideologischen Zügen: Journalist*innen werden als Lügner und System-Kollaborateure betrachtet. Der Beitrag analysiert auch die Mediennutzung von Menschen mit AfD-Präferenz sowie ihre Einstellungen zu Gewalt. Die Basis bilden vier Bevölkerungsumfragen aus den Jahren 2016 bis 2019. Die Daten wurden in Regressionsanalysen und mit einem Strukturgleichungsmodell ausgewertet. Dabei zeigt sich die Radikalität der AfD-Gruppe: Bei ihr sind Medienzynismus und Verschwörungsglaube stark ausgeprägt. Dies geht mit einer überdurchschnittlichen Nutzung "alternativer" Medien und einem höheren Verständnis für die Anwendung von Gewalt einher. Die Studie findet keine eindeutigen Hinweise für eine sich verschärfende Radikalisierung im Zeitverlauf, aber auch keine Abschwächung. Die Befunde stützen Befürchtungen, dass der Verschwörungsglaube mit einer Affinität zu Gewalt verbunden und die Radikalisierung durch eine spezifische Mediennutzung gefördert werden kann.The article examines the media-related attitudes of people who are likely to vote for the AfD party. It builds on the debate on terms such as „lying press“ (fake news media) and adds a media studies approach to radicalization research. It introduces the concept of "media cynicism", which describes a pattern of attitudes that includes features of conspiracy ideologies: journalists are viewed as liars and system collaborators. The article also examines media use, conspiracy beliefs, and attitudes towards violence. Four surveys from 2016 to 2019 form the basis of the study. The data were analyzed using regression analyses and structural equation modeling. The findings illustrate the radicalism of AfD voters: They tend to show strong media cynicism and beliefs in conspiracies. This goes hand in hand with an above-average use of "alternative" media and an increased support for using violence. The study does not find clear indications of an enhanced radicalization of AfD voters over time, but also finds no signs of a slowdown. The findings support fears that beliefs in conspiracies are connected to an affinity for violence and that radicalization can be fueled by the use of specific news media channels

Can filesharers be triggered by economic incentives? Results of an experiment

Illegal filesharing on the internet leads to considerable financial losses for artists and copyright owners as well as producers and sellers of music. Thus far, measures to contain this phenomenon have been rather restrictive. However, there are still a considerable number of illegal systems, and users are able to decide quite freely between legal and illegal downloads because the latter are still difficult to sanction. Recent economic approaches account for the improved bargaining position of users. They are based on the idea of revenue-splitting between professional sellers and peers. In order to test such an innovative business model, the study reported in this article carried out an experiment with 100 undergraduate students, forming five small peer-to-peer networks.The networks were confronted with different economic conditions.The results indicate that even experienced filesharers hold favourable attitudes towards revenue-splitting.They seem to be willing to adjust their behaviour to different economic conditions